The U.S. and Iran can't seem to commit. The situation is still tense and fraught with potential pitfalls.

 

On Sunday 16 September 2023 Iranian democracy activists and their supporters held a protest in London’s Trafalgar Square in solidarity with Iranian women and workers struggling against an authoritarian theocracy. (Photo: Alisdare Hickson)

The United States and Iran have an agreement — fragile, tremulous, and frail. What they do not yet have is peace.

The new memorandum of understanding may stop the current round of direct hostilities, reopen the Strait of Hormuz, and move negotiations into a 60-day window. But it does not resolve the central problem that brought the region to war in the first place: Iran’s nuclear program, its missile capacity, its terror proxies, and its willingness to use one of the world’s most important oil chokepoints as leverage.

So is this a ceasefire or a stalemate? At the moment, it looks like both. But maybe neither.

The Trump administration has a strong case that Iran is weaker today than it was before the war began. The U.S. and Israel degraded Iranian military infrastructure, damaged its nuclear program, battered its leadership structure, and reminded Tehran that attacking American troops and U.S. allies carries a heavy price. Iran may have survived, but survival is not victory. A regime can still be standing and still be badly wounded.

But Iran also has a case that it forced the world to deal with it. By closing or disrupting the Strait of Hormuz, Tehran created economic pressure far beyond the battlefield. The MOU gives Iran a reprieve, a chance to resume oil exports, a path toward financial relief, and a negotiating window in which it can try to preserve as much of its nuclear program as possible. That is why critics of the deal are not wrong to worry that Iran may pocket the benefits and stall on the hard concessions.

The danger is in the unresolved details. Hormuz is reopening, but not normally. Iran says fees will be waived during the 60-day period, but ships must coordinate transit in advance. That is not exactly free and open navigation. It looks more like a temporary permit system with the potential to become a permanent argument.

The Lebanon front is another obvious trap. Israel is a long-term and trusted U.S. ally, but it is not a party to the U.S.-Iran MOU. Israel still faces Hezbollah, and Hezbollah is still Iran’s weapon pointed at Israel’s northern border. Any renewed fighting there could quickly become a test of whether the agreement applies beyond Washington and Tehran.

Then there is the nuclear question. Iran has again said it will not seek a nuclear weapon. Unfortunately, Iran has said many things over the years. The real test is not the promise. The real test is verification, inspections, disposition of enriched uranium, and enforcement if Tehran cheats.

For Trump, this agreement may be a smart pause. It lowers the immediate risk of oil shocks, moves the war off the front page, and gives diplomacy a chance without surrendering the option of renewed force.

But it is not yet a triumph. It is a dangerous opening move. The U.S. may have bought time from a position of strength. Iran may have bought time from a position of weakness. The next 60 days will tell us which side made the better bargain.

(Contributing writer, Brooke Bell)